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The GCC Single Market and Monetary Union
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is in the process of two massive steps towards economic integration: the establishment of a single market and the launching of a monetary union. By historical standards, the GCC is late to the game. This presents the GCC with an incredible opportunity to benefit from decades of scholarship.
Technology and the environment.. Friends or foes?!
The rapid changes we are witnessing today in the fields of technology, innovation, and knowledge represent a significant transformation on the human level. Civilization, as far as historians can tell, has never experienced this type of cognitive and technological progress before. Some may struggle to comprehend the magnitude of this advancement, perhaps because they have lived within the confines of their own era since childhood. Imagine, for instance, if electricity and its applications had never been discovered. How would our lives be without air conditioners, for example? This applies to many contemporary applications, particularly in the fields of communications and transportation, which sequentially emerged after the Industrial Revolution in the United Kingdom.
In this context, the French philosopher and sociologist Auguste Comte’s proposal comes to mind, in which he divided the stages of human development into three stages, culminating in the industrial stage. However, this stage has evolved in a complex manner, with the intertwining of sciences being prevalent in its applications, aiming primarily at ensuring human welfare. Let us consider, for example, the so-called revolution of communications and information, which has made contemporary humans closely intertwined with technology, perceiving the universe through instantaneous connectivity. This era has a different charm and a unique pattern, as pointed out by my dear professor, Dr. Mohammed Al-Sandouq, in his paper titled “Is Technology a New Way of Thinking?” In which he proposed adding another stage to Comte’s stages, namely the stage of technology. Despite being built upon the industrial stage, technology exhibits more complexity in its features and interactions, encompassing multiple and intertwined aspects of human life.
Some may disagree with the aforementioned proposal philosophically, yet all may largely agree that our current era is more advanced and complex than any previous human eras, according to our limited knowledge. Therefore, the level of scientific prosperity we are witnessing is exceptional in every sense of the word. We see the emergence of many exceptional applications, such as the ChatGPT chat program and, recently, the smart Apple glasses. Just as what is happening is unprecedented and astonishing, so too are its challenges more severe and more complex. Perhaps the most dangerous of these challenges is the climate crisis, which has directly worsened with the advent of the Industrial Revolution.
Away from claims advocating for halting technological growth on the pretext that it is the main cause of the climate crisis, we currently need to address the problem rather than lament its remnants. The unprecedented technological prosperity achieved by humanity is an unprecedented advancement that must be preserved as a cultural asset, and its moderation is essential to serve current and future generations. One of the important solutions to addressing the climate crisis may be through harnessing the advanced technology itself to solve this dilemma. This is what we see today under what is called “Technology-based solutions” as one of the fundamental tools to achieve carbon neutrality, which includes techniques such as carbon capture and storage. There are also bolder scientific solutions that may be applicable in the near future. For example, the US National Academies of Sciences recommended allocating up to $200 million over the next five years to explore how to deploy what is known as solar geoengineering or “climate engineering,” which aims to artificially cool the Earth by using cloud seeding or spraying water into Arctic clouds to deflect sunlight from them to preserve ice. Undoubtedly, this approach to addressing environmental challenges requires adopting more stringent international policies, in addition to creating attractive and stimulating economic opportunities for scientific research, in order to open up more opportunities for such pioneering applications.
Note: This article has been automatically translated.
Source: Alwatan News
Dr. Abdulla Alabbasi, Director of the Energy and Environment Program
The intelligence we seek in “smart cities”
[vc_row][vc_column][ultimate_heading main_heading=”The intelligence we seek in “smart cities“” enable_heading_elem=”yes” alignment=”left” heading_elem_color=”#114b73″ margin_design_tab_text=””][/ultimate_heading][vc_empty_space height=”40px”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]The term “smart cities” began to emerge in the late 1960s, and experts define them as innovative cities that utilize information and communication technology to improve the quality of life and cater to the needs of current and future generations. In 2016, the International Telecommunication Union launched an initiative called “United for Sustainable Smart Cities,” which is one of the United Nations’ initiatives to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 11. This goal aims to make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable.
Although smart city concepts are now associated with sustainability, the technological advancement accompanying smart city projects is expected to lead to higher energy consumption rates compared to natural rates. This is because they rely on transportation and communication networks and data collection more extensively than usual in cities. Therefore, introducing clean energy projects, optimizing natural resources usage, and embracing circular economy concepts have become essential issues in the development of these cities. Consequently, planning for these cities has become intertwined with various economic, social, environmental, and cultural aspects.
It’s worth mentioning the works of Jane Jacobs, especially her groundbreaking book “The Death and Life of Great American Cities,” in which she addressed many fundamental issues in city building. She criticized urban planning that fails to directly integrate community members in the planning process, stating, “Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.” Hence, if smart cities can build advanced infrastructure and keep pace with the times, can they also make the lives of their residents better in all aspects of sustainability, especially in terms of social relationships?
What’s the benefit if these cities can create advanced and investment-friendly infrastructure but are unable to make their inhabitants more cohesive and happy? Cities are built for humans, so they should be built to preserve their cultures and foster their relationships with each other. This is not a simple matter, as Jacobs also said, “Man is difficult to live with, and therefore all kinds of cities (except dream cities) suffer from problems.” Therefore, we need to delve into understanding communities if we intend to plan smart cities for them. The intelligence we seek in cities is the one that ensures the prosperity of communities in all different aspects, in a thoughtful and balanced manner.
Note: This article has been automatically translated.
Source: Alwatan News[/vc_column_text][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row content_placement=”middle”][vc_column width=”1/6″ css=”.vc_custom_1563358866616{padding-right: 20px !important;}”][vc_single_image image=”37836″ alignment=”right” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.derasat.org.bh/ali-faqeeh/”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”5/6″ css=”.vc_custom_1563358821728{padding-right: 20px !important;}”][vc_column_text]
Dr. Abdulla Alabbasi, Director of the Energy and Environment Program
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Contents of United Nations Resolutions Regarding Threats to Maritime Navigation
Contents of United Nations Resolutions Regarding Threats to Maritime Navigation
On the tenth of January, the United Nations Security Council issued Resolution No. 2722 regarding threats to maritime navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea. After extensive deliberation on the necessity of respecting the international legal framework endorsed by all countries worldwide to regulate maritime rightsâthe United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982âand in reference to the threats posed by the Houthi forces to maritime navigation, the resolution included eleven paragraphs condemning Houthi attacks on commercial ships. It called for the respect of freedom of maritime navigation, addressing the causes of regional tensions affecting maritime security. Additionally, it urged support for the maritime capabilities of coastal states in the region to contribute to maintaining maritime security. The resolution received support from 11 members, while 4 abstained from voting, namely Russia, China, Algeria, and Mozambique.
Although the issuance of resolutions by the Security Council to preserve international peace and security is within its inherent jurisdiction, there has been debate surrounding three questions. First: Is this resolution considered a legal basis for the Prosperity Guardian Alliance? Second: Does the resolution include all international powers that could participate in protecting maritime navigation, similar to UN resolutions against piracy off the coasts of Somalia and the Horn of Africa in 2008? Third: Is the resolution binding on all countries to participate in efforts to protect maritime navigation?
These questions arise due to the abstention of two permanent members of the Council, Russia and China, and the establishment of some international organizations, such as NATO, as foundations for participating in any military operations. Furthermore, there are precedents where UN resolutions explicitly indicated the authority to defend ships in crises, such as during the Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990.
Without delving into extensive legal debates, addressing the first question about whether the resolution is essentially a legal basis for the Prosperity Guardian Alliance draws attention to the third paragraph of the resolution’s preamble. It emphasizes the obligation to respect the exercise of commercial ships and transportation rights according to international law. It also acknowledges the right of member states under international law to defend their ships against attacks undermining maritime rights and freedoms. While this paragraph does not explicitly state that the resolution is a basis for the alliance, the nature of UN resolutions is often flexible, and clarity on such matters is not always explicitly articulated, as seen in previous crises, such as the case of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.
To answer the second question when comparing the content of the decision with similar decisions related to maritime security, including decisions to confront piracy off the coasts of Somalia and the Horn of Africa in 2008, especially Resolution 1816, which urged for the first time states and regional organizations to send naval forces off the coast of Somalia and the western part of the Indian Ocean to counter piracy threats, we find a vast gap between the content of the two decisions, particularly from two perspectives: Firstly, the decision to combat piracy specifically referred to regional organizations and was the legal basis for NATO’s decision to send forces under the name “Operation Ocean Shield,” which began its operations on August 17, 2009. The second difference is that the decision to counter piracy included a request for states to send naval forces, while the UN decision regarding Houthi threats included the right of states to defend their ships without specifying the means to achieve that.
Moving on to the answer to the third question, based on what has been mentioned, the logical result is that the UN decision regarding countering Houthi threats to maritime navigation is not binding on all states to participate in any maritime arrangements to confront those threats. If NATO decides to participate as an organization, it would need a new, clearer UN decision; otherwise, its member states could participate either individually within American efforts or under the umbrella of the European Union.
In my estimation, monitoring and analyzing the contents of UN decisions regarding crises that pose a threat to international peace and security are crucial because, in some crises, these decisions have been decisive in ending conflicts. For example, Security Council decisions regarding the threat to maritime navigation in the Arabian Gulf during the Iran-Iraq war, some of which led to the end of the war and the cessation of hostilities, such as Resolution 598 on July 20, 1987. However, at the same time, attention should be paid to three matters: Firstly, in some cases, the opposition of some permanent members of the Security Council or abstention from voting was not an obstacle to efforts to maintain international peace and security. For example, the United States invaded Iraq in 2003 without a UN resolution, but later resolutions legitimized the invasion and subsequent actions in Iraq. Secondly, it is always necessary to compare legal contents with reality. Regardless of the content of resolutions, the question arises: Who implements them? The answer, simply put by a NATO official, is that the United Nations does not have an army, but NATO does. Thirdly, all UN resolutions do not explicitly state the participation of specific parties in maintaining international peace and security, leaving paragraphs in general terms, which gives different interpretations to international parties.
Note: This article has been automatically translated.
Source: Akhbar Alkhaleej
Quantum Era… and the Winds of Coming Change
[vc_row][vc_column][ultimate_heading main_heading=”Quantum Era… and the Winds of Coming Change” enable_heading_elem=”yes” alignment=”left” heading_elem_color=”#114b73″ margin_design_tab_text=””][/ultimate_heading][vc_empty_space height=”40px”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Quantum computers are among the contemporary applications witnessing remarkable progress in recent years, particularly due to the theoretical aspect rooted in what is known as quantum physics. Quantum physics began in 1900 with the German physicist Max Planck, and since then, scientific efforts have continued, significantly altering the shape of traditional physics. It views matter as composed of waves and particles intertwined. Despite its ability to explain many natural phenomena, some mysteries still accompany certain details, leading one of the pioneers of quantum physics, Richard Feynman, to say, ‘Quantum mechanics is the theory that everyone uses and no one understands at all.’
Apart from the scientific principles underlying what is called quantum computing, it currently demonstrates promising capabilities to perform complex calculations at a remarkable speed, in addition to the possibility of being more energy-efficient compared to traditional computers. Recently, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) announced its first strategy related to quantum, addressing how to apply this technology in defense and security fields. This underscores the global interest in these promising applications, which are expected to play a pivotal role in transforming various sectors in line with upcoming challenges.
This technology has enabled us to develop advanced algorithms and new methods to create what is known as quantum batteries, one of the most promising applications in energy storage. These computers can also seamlessly integrate renewable energy sources with electrical grids, predicting weather conditions and rapidly adjusting electricity consumption to enhance the stability of power networks and maximize the use of clean energy resources. Additionally, these devices are expected to play a significant role in simulating the properties of different materials and developing their ability to conduct and withstand heat, contributing to the creation of suitable materials for sustainable energy applications.
It is worth noting that despite the progress made in this field, there are still multiple challenges. For example, difficulties in designing devices, especially memory that can efficiently encrypt data, and the sensitivity of quantum computing operations to external effects such as temperature fluctuations. These challenges, among others, do not diminish the importance of this technology, which is evolving rapidly today. It is crucial for our Arab countries to accelerate the development of this technology and integrate it into our national plans towards sustainability, especially in the sectors of energy efficiency and addressing environmental challenges.
Note: This article has been automatically translated.
Source: Alwatan News[/vc_column_text][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row content_placement=”middle”][vc_column width=”1/6″ css=”.vc_custom_1563358866616{padding-right: 20px !important;}”][vc_single_image image=”37836″ alignment=”right” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.derasat.org.bh/ali-faqeeh/”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”5/6″ css=”.vc_custom_1563358821728{padding-right: 20px !important;}”][vc_column_text]
Dr. Abdulla Alabbasi, Director of the Energy and Environment Program
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Is NATO participating in the Prosperity Alliance?
[vc_row][vc_column][ultimate_heading main_heading=”Is NATO participating in the Prosperity Alliance?” enable_heading_elem=”yes” alignment=”left” heading_elem_color=”#114b73″][/ultimate_heading][vc_empty_space height=”40px”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]In the midst of the debate surrounding regional and international contributions to the maritime operation declared by the United States to protect maritime navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea, known as the “Guardian of Prosperity” in December 2023, there have been various questions arising from the participation and withdrawal of some countries. These questions revolve around the potential involvement of the NATO alliance in this operation, and they are justified either by the maritime capabilities of the alliance, its regional partnerships, where maritime security has been an area of cooperation, or by examining the alliance’s past experiences in maritime security.
NATO possesses a vast naval force divided into several groups, with its leadership rotating among alliance member countries. Regarding partnerships, as part of the Mediterranean Dialogue initiative launched by NATO in 1994 with seven Mediterranean countries, some NATO ships regularly visit the ports of partner countries. Additionally, the alliance provides advanced courses for naval forces personnel from these countries within its academic institutions. This complements NATO’s efforts in the Mediterranean to protect maritime security, including the Maritime Guardian alliance launched in 2016. This alliance conducts naval patrols in the central Mediterranean, focusing on maritime warnings, counterterrorism, and capacity building. These objectives are pursued by NATO in collaboration with some partners in the Mediterranean Dialogue initiative.
The current operation can be seen as an extension of the Active Endeavour operation initiated by NATO in 2001 as one of eight responses to the September 11 attacks. Active Endeavour aimed to inspect ships in the Mediterranean suspected of carrying terrorists or engaging in smuggling. Additionally, NATO deployed forces under the name “Ocean Shield” in 2009 to participate in international efforts against piracy off the coasts of Somalia and the Horn of Africa.
Does the above imply that NATO will be a party to the Guardian of Prosperity alliance to address maritime security threats in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red Sea? The United States has consistently urged NATO to engage in alliances, with NATO occasionally accepting and sometimes rejecting such invitations. In 2017, NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg announced NATO’s joining of the international coalition to combat ISIS but clarified that this did not necessarily mean NATO would engage in combat operations. However, attempts to persuade NATO defense ministers to join the maritime security alliance in the Gulf, established by the U.S. in 2019 following attacks on oil tankers, were unsuccessful. Between these instances, U.S.-NATO cooperation was evident during the military intervention in Libya in 2011, where U.S. military efforts in the early days of the intervention were crucial for NATO’s success in toppling the Libyan regime at that time.
And with the importance of the alliance’s experiences in working within coalitions, it does not necessarily mean that the alliance will automatically intervene in crises or become a party to the Prosperity Alliance for five reasons:
Firstly, regardless of the nature of threats, whether they come from the sea or land, the alliance has conditions for intervention in crises outside its territories. These conditions include the necessity of UN resolutions, which the alliance relies on. While these resolutions may not explicitly mention the alliance, they indicate the involvement of regional organizations. Additionally, there is a need for consensus among alliance members that these crises pose a threat to the alliance’s interests.
Secondly, the lessons learned by the alliance are significant. Despite preferring to work within international efforts, previous experiences have an impact on the decision to intervene or not. The debate during the alliance’s intervention off the coast of Somalia in 2009 revolved around the effectiveness of slow-moving alliance ships against fast pirate boats. This debate echoes in the current situation, but with a different context and cost considerations.
Thirdly, part of the alliance’s defense strategy is the policy of deterrence, relied upon in facing threats outside its territories. However, the Bab el Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea directly involve the alliance with the Houthi group and possibly Iran. This may require other regional or international parties’ presence, raising questions about the alliance’s role in addressing these threats. The alliance is keen to maintain partnerships in the region and avoid the military action’s impact on these partnerships.
Fourthly, realizing the nature of threats to maritime navigation as a direct threat to member states and regional partners, the alliance, while addressing these threats, is careful to preserve the partnerships it initiated in the region after the end of the Cold War, such as the Mediterranean Dialogue 1994 and the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative 2004. It avoids affecting these partnerships with military action.
Fifthly, the new strategic concept announced by the alliance in 2022 prioritizes counterterrorism in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Sahel, in contrast to previous concepts that explicitly mentioned threats to energy security and specific ways to address them.
However, the above does not mean that the alliance will be a mere observer of these events for a simple reason: there is no single basis upon which Atlantic intervention can be built or not. Especially if developments in the Bab el Mandeb Strait, a strategic point for regional and global power competition, lead to a worsening situation and require intensive international presence. In this case, the alliance will not be far from it, regardless of the content of Article 5, which some see as limiting NATO’s military operations outside its territory. Some European countries have joint membership in both the European Union and NATO, but they may see their participation in any efforts to protect maritime navigation in the Bab el Mandeb under the NATO umbrella.
Regardless of the alliance’s participation or lack thereof, it is essential to confirm the role of the alliance in the global security system. When asked why the alliance intervenes in crises despite this being the United Nations’ role, the answer was simple: the alliance has an army, unlike the United Nations.
Note: This article has been automatically translated.
Source: Akhbar Alkhaleej[/vc_column_text][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row content_placement=”middle”][vc_column width=”1/6″ css=”.vc_custom_1563358866616{padding-right: 20px !important;}”][vc_single_image image=”36204″ alignment=”right” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.derasat.org.bh/ali-faqeeh/”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”5/6″ css=”.vc_custom_1563358821728{padding-right: 20px !important;}”][vc_column_text]
Dr. Ashraf Keshk, Senior Research Fellow
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